Startling Disclosures !
1866 \~:*. 1876.
Facts for the American People.
Pam p htet ft:
Duke Uniyer^Lty, Ub«$
ST. LOUIS, MO.:
ZETTIRIEIK:^ PUBLISHING- COMPANY.
Atrocities as they Passed ihrcugli the Hopper.
Facts for the American People to Read.
BRUTAL OUTRAGES UPON
1866 VS. 1876.
ST. LOUIS, MO.:
Digitized by the Internet Archive
In order that the public may fully understand the truth in
regard to the Memphis riots of 1866, as set forth in the minority
report by Hon. George S. Shanklin, of Kentucky, then a member
of the U. S. House of Representatives, we have taken the pains
to investigate the affair by seeking out and conversing with
several gentlemen from the North who were in Memphis at the
time. From a gentleman born and educated in the State of New
York, who was living in Memphis at the time the riots occurred,
but now a resident of St. Louis, we have the following state-
The day the riots occurred several hundred negro troops were
paid off, and a grand drunken spree followed. A v,hite and a
negro boy got into a fight on the bridge in South Memphis, and
two policemen who were close by went and parted the boys. The
negro boy, being much the larger, was severely pounding the
white boy. Some of the drunken negro soldiers, who were near,
became very indignant at the police for parting them, and at
once attacked them, killing one and wounding the other. The
wounded policeman retreated, and was soon reinforced by several
others, who endeavored to arrest the negroes, but were repulsed,
when they also retreated and called to. their assistance a number
of citizens. In the mean time the negroes were gathering rein-
forcements very rapidly, until they numbered hundreds. The
whites were repulsed repeatedly, and the alarm spreading all over
the city, nearly every white man who had any arms at his com-
mand rallied to support the authorities in quelling the negro
mob. The fears of the citizens were still more aroused when the
fact became generally known that several days previous a faithful
negro man had communicated to his former master the fact that
the negroes iC were going to rise up and murder every rebel
in Memphis " The negroes drove through the streets in hacks
and other vehicles, and amused themselves shooting down white
men. The riot commenced about six o'clock in the evening and
lasted until ten o'clock the next day. During the night nearly
every white male in the city was on guard, and before morning
the negroes retreated to Fort Pickering. The police and citizens
finding it impossible to dislodge them from the fort, the military
was called into requisition, who made a charge upon the fort.
The negroes, seeing the approach of the troops, at once gave up,
and most of them fled to the country. One hundred or more
were arrested and placed under guard, but were released in a day
or two without ever being held accountable for their riotous acts.
Some twelve or fifteen white men were killed and many wounded.
At least thirty negroes were killed.
' ^After these riots the attention of the U. S. House of Repre-
sentatives was called to the matter, and a committee of inves-
tigation appointed, consisting of Hon. Elihu B. Washburne of
Illinois, Hon. John M. Broomall of Pennsylvania, and Hon.
George S. Shanklin of Kentucky, two Republicans and one
Democrat, Mr. Shanklin. The committee went to Memphis to
investigate the trouble, and there were two reports made on the
matter, a majority and minority report, Mr. Shanklin making the
minority report. The official proceedings of the House of Rep-
resentatives, following, speak for themselves.
THE OUTRAGE MILL.
In May, 1866, there occurred what was termed a riot in Mem-
phis, Tennessee, or series of riots, which were heralded forth
throughout the country as the work of the " rebels," the princi-
pal victims being the colored population.
By reference to the Congressional Globe and Appendix,
the official organ of Congress, we find the following proceedings
of the House, on page 4.159, under date of July 25th, 1866,
being the Thirty-Ninth Congress, first session :
Mr. Broomall — In the absence of the Chairman [Mr. Wash-
burne, of Illinois,] of the Select Committee appointed by this
House to investigate the late riots in Memphis, Tennessee, the
chairman being detained from the House by illness, I am in-
structed by the committee to submit a report, which, together
with the testimony, I move be laid on the table and printed.
Mr. Shanklin — I submit a minority report from the same
Mr. Broomall — I am also instructed by the same committee
to move that there be printed for the use of this House, twenty
thousand extra copies of the reports and testimony, and fifty
thousand copies of the reports without the testimony.
The Speaker — The motion to print extra copies will go to the
Committee on Printing, under the law.
The question was upon laying the reports and testimony upon
the table and ordering the same to be printed.
Mr. Le Blond — I hope this testimony will not be printed. I
do not think any member will read it even should it be printed ;
and therefore it would be a useless expense to print any copies
at all. The whole subject-matter of the investigation is entirely
of a local character ; a matter the regulation of which belongs
wholly to the State of Tennessee. But Congress has taken
upon itself to go into the different States to regulate what should
be regulated by the police of the State.
Mr. Scofield — We have been regulating the business down
there for the last five years. [Laughter.]
Mr. L° Blond — I should not be surprised if there had not been
some regulating down there, and some regulating should have
been done North, instead of all being done in the South. If
that had been done, I have no doubt we should to-day have had
a better state of things and a united country. But, sir, I am
opposed to printing this report for the reasons I have named and
for other reasons. The report, as I am informed, will make
eight hundred pages of printed matter. It details the circum-
stances of a riot which took place in the State of Tennessee, and
the facts of which have been published all over the country.
We are just as well advised now of what occurred there, and
what gave rise to that riot, as we should be if this report were
printed for electioneering purposes. I shall call for the yeas
and nays upon the motion to print. I will now yield to my
friend from Pennsylvania [Mr. Johnson] .
Mr. Johnson — The subject-matter of this investigation wa»
nothing more than a riot. Nobody ever pretended at the start
that it was more ; and the committee, I understand, have arrived
at the same conclusion. A riot in Memphis no more calls for
investigation by this House than a riot in New York or Phila-
delphia. If: every riot occurring anywhere in the country is to
be investigated by a congressional committee, and a volumin-
ous report of the testimony to be printed at the public expense
for circulation throughout the country, I think we shall find our-
selves involved in a larger outlay of money than the people will
But, sir, in considering this proposition it must be borne in
mind that it has a political object, a partisan purpose. This
investigation has been so treated by the public press of the coun-
try. I understand, however, that it has failed of its object ; and
the matter will not be bettered by printing the report. We are
already circulating more documents than are read by the people.
We are already expending more money for publications of this
sort than the people desire shall be so expended. This money,
it must be remembered, is drawn from the people by direct taxa-
tion ; it comes out of the labor and sweat of the country. I re-
spectfully protest against this system. I have no objection to
printing the ordinary number of copies of this report ; but as for
publishing fifty thousand copies for circulation all over the coun-
try under the franks of members, I think we should leave such
publications to private enterprise, or to the political partisans
whose purposes it may subserve.
Mr. LeBlond — Mr. Speaker, I oppose this proposition in
entire good faith. This report is a document which, in my
judgment, ought not to be printed at all ; and one of the princi-
pal reasons why I think so is that, as I understand, the commit-
tee recommend no action whatever on the part of Congress. If
no action is to be taken upon this pile of testimony which the
committee have reported, what can be the use of printing it in
order to be sent broadcast over the country? If gentlemen
wish to economize let them commence now.
Mr. Broomall — Mr. Speaker, I do not at all wonder that the
two gentlemen who have spoken are opposed to the printing of
this report and testimony. They know what it is. I will not
pretend to make any argument in favor of printing it. I know
whence the opposition comes and the reason for it. I call the
The previous question was seconded and the main question
ordered ; which was upon ordering the printing of the usual
number of copies of the report and testimony.
Mr. Le Blond — My proposition was to print the report alone r
without the testimony.
The Speaker — The gentleman's proposition comes too late.
That might have been offered as an amendment to the motion of
the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Broomall]. But the
House is now acting under the operation of the previous question.
Mr. Harding, of Kentucky — I rise to a point of order. I
wish to inquire whether it is in order to move a reconsideration
of the vote by which the report was accepted. I understand
that it is not the report of the committee at all.
The Speaker — There is no such motion known in the practice
of this House. When the report of the committee is presented
any gentleman can raise the question whether the committee hare
actually agreed to the report. But after the report has been
received, no member can raise the question that it is not the
report of the committee.
The yeas and nays were then ordered, when the result of the
ballot was, yeas, 85 ; nays, 23 ; not voting, 58. So the motion
to print was agreed to.
Mr. Le Blond asked if the minority report would be printed
also, and the Speaker replied that both reports, together with the
evidence, would be printed.
Again, on the 27th of July, in the House proceedings, as
recorded on pages 4265 and 4266 of same volume, we find the
Mr. Shanklin — Mr. Speaker, it might be supposed, inasmuch
as I was a member of the committee that made this report, that
I have some knowledge of what the majority report contains ; but
I am under the necessity of stating to this House that I have
never seen, and never had an opportunity of seeing, the majority
report in this case. The honorable chairman of that committee
[Mr. Washburne] has never thought proper, at any time since the
committee was appointed, to call the committee together for the
purpose of consultation. On last Friday the gentleman from
Pennsylvania [Mr. Broomall], a member of the committee, in-
quired of me, as a member of it, whether I had my minority
report ready. I told him that I had. I inquired whether the
majority report was ready to be presented. He said it was nearly
so ; that the chairman was sick and unable to give further atten-
tion to the subject, and that the report had been delivered over
to him to make such corrections as he might think proper, after
which it would be presented. It was agreed between the gentle-
man from Pennsylvania and myself that on last Monday morning,
at nine o'clock, we should meet at the committee-room for the
purpose of comparing the majority report with the minority
report. He was to have the opportunity to see the minority re-
port, and I was to have an opportunity to see the majority report.
Under this agreement between my friend from Pennsylvania and
myself, I met him at the committee-room at the hour appointed.
When I arrived he was not there. I had my report, which I had
prepared and ready to submit to him, but he informed me that
the majority report had not yet been sent to him, but that it
would be forthcoming during the day. He said that he would
send for it. It was not forthcoming that day, nor even the next
day. I understood the gentleman that it would be forthcoming
soon, and that I should have an opportunity to see it. On the
next evening I was notified by the gentleman from Pennsylvania
that the report would not be forthcoming until it was offered in
the House. I had no opportunity to see the report. The priv-
ilege of examining the majority report was denied to me, and my
concurrence in that report was refused.
Mr. Speaker, there is one fact of which I am satisfied. It'
that report presents any matter peculiar or different from ordinary
riots or mobs, I am satisfied those gentlemen must have drawn
upon their imaginations, and not upon the testimony. Whatever
that report contains, whether it is matter of public interest or
not, I am unable to say. I have never seen it or been permitted
to read it. My minority report, I insist, is entirely based upon
facts. It has been subject to the inspection of any member of
the committee at any time they thought proper. It is more than
can be said, I am sorry to say, for the report of the majority.
The Speaker — The gentleman's time has expired, and the
floor is now assigned to the gentleman from Pennsylvania for five
Mr. Broomall — Mr. Speaker, I have only one thing to say in
answer to the complaint of the gentleman from Kentucky, that
the committee has not met him to consult about the report. It is
within the knowledge of the members of the House there has
been no time since the return of the committee from Memphis
when the three members have been present in the House, in con-
sequence of one or two, or even the three of them, having been
ill, probably from the climate of Memphis and the incessant labor
imposed upon them in taking testimony. Now, the report was
prepared by the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Washburne] , the
chairman of the committee. I myself conferred with the gentle-
man from Kentucky with respect to the report. I also conferred
with the gentleman from Illinois. If they do not agree with one
another, it is no fault of mine. With regard to what the gentle-
man has said, that we have drawn from our imaginations if we
say this matter differs from ordinary mobs or riots, I will say one
word. Why, sir, there was no riot in Memphis, notwithstanding
the terms of the resolution which was referred to us. There was
no riot, and it is an abuse of language to say so when the civil
authorities of a city of sixty thousand inhabitants conspired to-
gether to murder in open day unoffending citizens of the United
Mr. Shanklin. — I ask the gentleman to yield to me.
Mr. Broomall. — The gentleman has had his five minutes,
and I can yield to no one.
There were besides five cases of rape upon helpless and unof-
fending women, under circumstances that the gentleman himself
united with us in saving, ought not to be put in the testimony.
It was too revolting and too horrible to be repeated anywhere.
Mr. Speaker, there ought to be printed at least the number of
reports mentioned in the resolution which was referred to the
Committee on Printing ; and I ask the chairman of the commit-
tee [Mr. Laflin] to allow me to make the motion to double each
of the numbers contained in his report.
This subject does possess some political and public signific-
ance. The great question now before the country is whether
the people of the eleven States lately in rebellion are yet in a fit
condition to be intrusted with a share in the government of the
country. The animus and the spirit of the people enter into
the inquiry. The details of this report and testimony go to that
very spirit and that very animus of the leading people of the
city of Memphis. I do not wonder that the gentleman from
Kentucky [Mr. Shanklin] likes to shield his friends. I do not
wonder that peculiar means have been used — I do not refer to
the amiable gentleman, the chairman of the Committee on Print-
ing [Mr. Laflin] to prevent this report from getting before the
country at all.
Mr. Shanklin — I would ask my colleague [Mr. Broomall]
whether the proof does not establish clearly and conclusively the
fact that the mass of the men engaged in these outrages against
the helpless colored people of the city of Memphis were registered
voters under the franchise law of Tennessee, which was passed
by what is known as the Radical party of that State.
Mr. Broomall — I can only say in answer to the gentleman,
that I can well understand that the very worst of the friends of
gentlemen upon the other side would swear themselves in under
the franchise law. It is very possible that there are men among
those who vote in Tennessee who are worse than the average of
those who are excluded ; I do not know how this is. But I
would remind the gentleman [Mr. Shanklin] that the Recorder
of the city of Memphis, the leader of the mob, the man who
urged them on to commit these foul deeds, is the Vice-President
of the Johnson club in Memphis. And now I have only to add,
that, if the gentleman complains that he has not been allowed
to sign our report, I will agree that he shall Have an opportunity
to append his name to it.
Mr. Laflin — Declined the honor and called the previous ques-
The report of the Committee on Printing was finally argeed
to, which was as follows: That one thousand extra copies of
the reports and evidence be printed, and that 10,000 extra cop-
ies of the reports, without the evidence, be printed.
Again, on page 4,285, of same document, under date of
House proceedings of July 27th, we find that copies of the report
of the majority of the committee were in circulation, while nore
of the minority report were to be had, which caused Mr. Shank-
lin to rise to a privileged question and inquire why this was.
The whole matter was finally explained and it was recorded as
the order of the House that both reports were to be printed to-
We have thus presented the official proceedings of Congress in
the first act of the political drama, and now come to the second.
As before stated, the majority of the committee, consisting of
Messrs. Washburne, of Illinois, and Broomall, of Pennsylvania,
made their report to the House on the 25th of July, 1876, in
which report special attention was called to the horrible outrages
in the following language :
' ; The crowning acts of atrocity and diabolism committed dur-
ing these terrible nights were the ravishing of five different col-
ored women by these fiends in human shape, independent cf
other attempts at rape. The details of these outrages are of too
-shocking and disgusting a character to be given at length in this
report, and reference must be had to the testimony of the par-
ties. It is a singular fact that while the mob was breathing
vengeance against the negroes and shooting them down like dogs,
jet when they found unprotected colored women they at once
'conquered their prejudices,' and proceeded to violate them un-
der circumstances of the most licentious brutality. The rape of
Frances Thompson, who had been a slave and was a cripple,
using crutches, having a cancer on her foot, is one to which
reference is here made. On Tuesday night seven men, two of
whom were policemen, came to her house. She knew the two to
be policemen by their stars. They were all Irishmen. They
first demanded that she should get supper for them, which she
did. After supper the wretches threw all the provisions that
were in the house which had not been consumed into the bayou.
They then laid hold of Frances, hitting her on the side of the
face and kicking her. A girl by the name of Lucy Smith, about
sixteen years old, living with her, attempted to go out at the
window. One of the brutes knocked her down and chocked her.
They then drew their pistols, and said they would shoot them and
fire the house if they did not let them have their way. The
woman, Frances Thompson, was then violated by four of the men,
and so beaten and bruised that she lay in bed for three days.
They then took all the clothes out of the trunk, one hundred dollars
in greenbacks belonging to herself, and two hundred dollars be-
longing to another colored woman, which had been left to take
care of her child, besides silk dresses, bed-clothing, etc. They
were in the house nearly four hours, and when they left they said
they intended Ho burn up the last G — d d d nigger, and drive
all the Yankees out of town, and then there would be only some
rebels niggers and butternuts left.' The colored girl, Lucy
Smith, who was before the committee, said to be sixteen or sev-
enteen years old, but who seemed from her appearance to be two
or three years younger, was a girl of modest demeanor and
highly respectable in appearance. She corroborated the testi-
mony of Frances Thompson as to the number of men who broke
into the house and as to the policemen who were with them.
They seized her (Lucy) by the neck and choked her to such an
extent that she could not talk for two weeks to any one. She
was then violated by one of the men, and the reason given by
another for not repeating the act of nameless atrocity was, that
she was so near dead that he would not have anything to
do with her. He thereupon struck her a severe blow upon the
side of the head. The violence of these wretches seemed to be
aggravated by the fact that the women had in their room some
bed covering or quilts with red, white and blue, and also some
pictures of Union officers. They said, 'You niggers have a mighty
liking for the damned Yankees, but we will kill you, and you will
have no liking for any one then. This young girl was so bally
injured that she was unable to leave her bed for two weeks."
FRANCES THOMPSON AS SHE APPEARED BEFORE THE COMMITTS3.
The evidence was as follows :
Question. State your name and residence ?
Answer. My name is Frances Thompson ; I live in Gayoso
street, here in Memphis.
Q. What is your occupation?
A. I sew and take in washing and ironing.
Q. Have you been a slave ?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Where were you raised ?
A. I was raised in Maryland. All our people but mistress
got killed in the rebel army.
Q- Have you been injured?
A. I am a cripple. [The witness used crutches.] I have
a cancer in my foot.
Q. Were you here during the late riots ?
A. Yes sir.
Q. State what you know or saw of the rioting ?
A. Between one and two o'clock Tuesday night seven men,
two of whom were policemen, came to my house ; I knew they
were policemen by their stars ; they were all Irishmen ; they
said they must have supper, and asked me what I had, and said
they must have some eggs and ham and biscuit ; I made them
some biscuit and some strong coffee, and they all sat down and
ate ; a girl lives with me ; her name is Lucy Smith, she is about
sixteen years old ; when they had eaten supper they said they
wanted some woman to sleep with ; I said we were not that sort
of women and they must go ; they said " that didn't make a
damned bit of difference ;" one of them laid hold of me, and
hit me on the side of my face, and holding my throat choked
me; Lucy tried to get out of the window, when one of them
knocked her down and choked her ; they drew their pistols, and
said they would shoot us and fire the house if we did not let
them have their way with us ; all seven of them violated us two ;
four of them had to do with me, and the rest with Lucy.
Q. Were you injured ?
A. I was sick for two weeks ; I lay for three days with a
Q. Did any one attend you ?
A. I had a cold before, and Dr. Rambert attended me after
Q. Were you robbed ?
A. After they got through with us they just robbed the house ;
they took the clothes out of my trunk, and took one hundred dol-
lars that I had in greenbacks belonging to me, and two hundred
that belonged to a colored woman that was left with me to keep
safe for her.
Q. Did they take anything else ?
A. They took three silk dresses of mine and a right nice one
of Lucy's ; they put the things into two pillow slips and took
Q. How long did the men stay ?
A. They were there perhaps for nearly four hours ; it was
getting near day when they left.
Q. Did they say anything ?
A. They said they intended to " burn up the last G — d d — d
Q. Did you know any of them ?
A. They were all Irishmen ; there was not an American
Q. Did anything else take place ?
A. There were some quilts about that we had been making ;
they asked us what they were made for ; when we told them for
the soldiers, they swore at us, and said the soldiers would never
have them on their beds, and took them away with the rest of
the things ; they said they would drive all the Yankees out of the
town, and then there would be only some rebel niggers and but-
ternuts left ; I thought all the time they would burn the house,
but they didn't.
The testimony of Lucy Smith, as reported by the committee,
was as follows :
Q. State your name and how old you are.
A. Lucy Smith ; I am going on seventeen years of age.
Q. Have you ever been a slave ?
A. I have been a slave girl, and have been free four years
come July next.
Q. Do you live in this city ?
A. I live in Memphis, and was raised here.
Q. Where were you at the time of the riots ?
A. I was living with Frances Thompson at the time of the
Q. State what you know of the late riots ?
A. On Tuesday, the first night of the riots, some men came
to our house. We were in bed. They told us to get up and get
some supper for them. We got up and made a fire, and got
Q. What else took place?
A. What was left of the sugar and coffee and ham they
threw into the bayou.
Q, How many men were there ?
A. There were seven of them ; but I was so scared I could not
Q. Did they rob you ?
A. We had two trunks. They did not unlock them, but just
jerked them open. They took one hundred dollars belonging to
Frances, and two hundred dollars belonging to a friend of Fran-
ces, given her to take care of. They took all the money and
clothes, and carried them off.
Q. Did you know any of them ?
A. There were two policemen. I saw their stars.
Q. What else took place ?
A. They tried to take advantage of me, and did. I told
them I did not do such things, and would not. One of them
said he would make me, and choked me by the neck. My neck
was swollen up next day, and for two weeks I could not talk to
any one. After the first man had connection with me, another
got hold of me and tried to violate me, but I was so bad he did
not. He gave me a lick with his fist, and said I was so damned
near dead he would not have anything to do with me.
Q. — Did they do anything else?
A. — We had some quilts in the room that we had been quilting
red, white and blue. They asked us if we had made them be-
fore or after the Yankees came. We said after. They said,
" You niggers have a mighty liking for the damned Yankees, but
we will kill you, and you will have no liking for any one then."
There were some pictures in the room. We had General Hooker
and some other Uniun officers, and they said they would not have
hurt us so bad if it had not been for these pictures. They were
in the house a good while after they hurt me, but I lay down on
the bed, for I thought they had killed me ; it was mostly from the
choking and the lick on the side on my head.
Having presented a synopsis of the report of the Radical
Committee of 1866, we now come to 1876, just ten years after-
wards, when the real facts in the case are brought to light, and
show in what manner the Radical leaders have imposed their
frauds upon the people of the country, at the cost of tens of
thousands of dollars of the people's money.
FRANCIS THOMAS AS HE APPEARED BEFORE THE RECORDER.
July 11, 1876, the Memphis Appeal contained this item :
"The police have discovered a negro man who, for several
years, has been wearing female apparel, and was believed to be
The Appeal of July 12 contains the following report of the
investigation of Francis Thomas :
" Great excitement was caused yesterday in police circles
by the arrest, examination and trial of a negro who has lived in
this city twenty-seven years, but was supposed to be a woman.
' Frances Thomas' was the name by which the negro was called.
Among the negroes that of ' Old Crutchy' was often used, be-
cause of an injured leg. Night before last ' Frances Thomas '
was arrested on the charge of wearing female clothing, for it had
already been told to the police that the creature was a man.
Few believed this, for many had always considered Thomas an
hermaphrodite. The chief of police, however, was not at all
doubtful as to the result of an investigation, for Dr. J. H.
Nuttall, a well-known physician of this city, had informed the
police that he would establish the fact that Thomas was a man
and not a woman. The arrest was therefore made at Dr. Nuttall's
instance, he being induced to this step in order to prevent Thomas
from practicing nefarious designs upon the different house-
holds to which, by reason of female attire and dress, he had
access. All along Thomas had served as a cook, house-woman
or domestic servant, employers thinking that he was a woman.
Thomas has cooked and washed for more than one good family
in this city, and has had opportunities for doing a great deal of
mischief. 6 He,' ' she' or ' it,' as the negro may be termed, for-
merly kept a vile den on Madison street, near Bayou Gayoso,
and since then an infamous house near the County Jail. He has
been more than once arrested upon the charge of lewdness and
immorality, and it is said the negro has proved the ruin of many
persons, both white and black. He managed to escape punish-
ment, but never abandoned his vile habits and corruptions. To
prevent this was the cause of his arrest. Thomas was put in the
station-house night before last to await the trial before Recorder
Duff yesterday morning. As the question of sex could only be
determined by examination, Dr. J. H. Nuttall, with Drs. W. V.
Taylor, R. H. Taylor and Julius Wise (the latter recently of
Cincinnati, Ohio), were called in to do this. These physicians,
who are well known here, visited Thomas in his cell, and told him
the object of their visit. Thomas said he would not submit to
an examination, but on being told that force would be used, con-
sented. The physicians then proceeded with the examination,
and, as Dr. Nuttall predicted, found "Frances Thomas" to be a
fully developed man, and in no respect a woman ; in fact, Thomas
is not even an hermaphrodite, as he claimed to be. The physi-
cians made a thorough examination of Francis Thomas.
" The evidence given on the trial before Recorder Duff was to the
effect that upon the examination of Francis Thomas they found
that he had none of the developments of a woman whatever, nor
anything that could possibly be mistaken as any part of the iden-
tities of the female sex. The evidences show that there is no
part of a woman about him, the organs being entirely those of a
male in every respect. Francis Thomas, moreover, would have
a heavy beard did he not shave every day. He is a strong and
well-developed negro man, and Recorder Duff imposed upon him
a fine of fifty dollars, as he was only charged with and convicted
of a misdemeanor. In default of the money with which to pay
his fine, Francis Thomas was put upon the chain-gang, sta-
tion-keeper Tim Hope having purchased him a suit of male
clothing. The chain-gang were working on an alley near Mar-
ket Square, but when Francis Thomas was added to it, the fact
soon became known and attracted a large crowd of men, women
and boys — mostly negroes. The crowd continued to increase,
and soon numbered hundreds of spectators who were anxious to
get a glimpse of the negro man that had been regarded as a wo-
man. The crowd became very much excited, confusing the chain-
gang and preventing work. Francis Thomas was an object of
the greatest wonder, small boys, old men, women and children,
pressing around and asking a thousand questions. Owing to the
big crowd, Tom Hope conducted Thomas back to the Adams
Street Station-house, but during the afternoon hundreds of per-
sons visited his cell to get a look at and talk to the negro. When
an Appeal reporter asked Thomas why he had adopted female
clothing, he replied, 'It is none of your d — d business.'
Thomas seemed to be quite angry, especially when made to take
a lot of false hair and braids from the top of his head. Like
most females, he wore false hair, but did not use chalk or rouge.
He declared that he had not had a fair trial ; that Tim Hope was
a bad man and that he would dispatch direct to Washington for
justice. Francis Thomas was doubtless recalling the fact that in
1866 he testified before the Congressional Committee which came
here to investigate the Memphis riots ; that he was a respectable
lady of color and had been ravished eighteen times by as many
different Irishmen in this city. This evidence the Republican
Congressional Committee received, and upon it based a ' raw-
head-and-bloody-bones ' report. This story of rape went the
rounds of the Radical press calling forth the most vindictive arti-
cles and a demand for troops. How sad to think of Francis
Thomas' ruin ! Perhaps the Republican members of the com-
mittee in the Mississippi investigation may find similar subjects
for the accomplishment of its purposes. And thus ends the
story of Francis Thomas."
The following additional information was given by the Jlpp eal
of August 2 :
"As we understand, Doctors Allen, Cutler and R. H. Taylor,
by request of a leading Republican of this city, yesterday made
another examination with a view to verify the sex of Francis
Thomas. We need hardly say, in view of the reputation of
these gentlemen, that the examination was thorough, and being
so, resulted in a complete verification of the verdict rendered by
Dr. Nuttall and his coadjutors. Francis Thomas is a man, and
a bad one — a very bad one — at that."
Lucy Smith, whose testimony followed that of " Francis
Thomas," was a colored prostitute, who lived with the negro
SOUTHERN OUTRAGE S .
brute, and was in bed with her" when " she " was visited by
the " rioters."
Thus, reader, you have presented some facts for your careful
consideration, facts which go to show the manner in which the
people's money has been squandered to the tune of tens of thou-
sands of dollars, and all for the purpose of perpetuating Radical
rule. The incidents herein cited are but a few out of the many
thousands that have occurred during the past fifteen years, and
which has cost the country millions of dollars. What think you
must be the real character of the prominent leaders of the Re-
publican party, such men as Washburne, etc., when they will
practice such deception and fraud upon the American people.
Think of the colored virgin, Francis Thomas (a big buck negro),
being ravished by eighteen Irishmen. The villainous deception
and fraud daily practiced by Radical leaders is almost beyond
conjecture. But the day of judgment has come — the people
have at length become conscious of the fact that there must be an
entire change of the government officials, and that honest and
pure men must be given the reins of government ere the last
semblance of a Republican form of government has passed be-
yond their reach.
RADICALISM VS. LIBERTY.
Monarchy vs. Republican Government.
Are the American People Serfs or
Americans, you, who prize liberty above everything else, have
a sad spectacle before you. The most important events in the
history of this country since the Revolution are now transpiring.
On the one side are arrayed freemen, those who love Liberty,
Constitution and Law, and on the other those who seek to destroy
the last semblance of the principles embodied in our American
Constitution, which was purchased at the sacrifice of so many
valuable lives, and handed down to us by our forefathers, ever
believing that their children and children's children would pre-
serve it untarnished. These are indeed trying times. Now is
not the time for excitement or wild experiments. Every man
who desires the future welfare of the country should calmly, can-
didly and seriously meditate upon passing events, and firmly
resolve to act well his part. In a very brief manner we propose
to review past events, those of recent occurrence, and those pre-
dicted or threatened to occur.
RADICALISM VS. LIBERTY.
1. A powerful secret political organization has existed in this
country for several years, which has for its object the disfran-
chisement of all foreign-born citizens ; the proscription of every
citizen, be he native-born or foreign, who is a member or in sym-
pathy with the Roman Catholic Church. These are facts well
known to the American people. Radical papers throughout the
country have boasted of the matter and openly declared that their
organization numbered one million voters. The American Al-
liance, which met in Philadelphia last July, resolved to support
Hayes and Wheeler, the Republican candidates, who, if not mem-
bers of this oath-bound organization, at least are in full sympa-
thy with it.
2. Secret military organizations, in the interest of the Radi-
cal party, exist all over the country, whose sworn duty is to obey
the officers in carrying out the designs of the Radical party ;
"peaceably if ice can, but forcibly if necessary , even
though we have to wade in blood up to our knees."
3. The Indian troubles were brought on by designing men
sent out among the red men, solely with the view of raising a
larger army to be used during the present Presidential campaign
in the Southern States, to compel those States to declare for the
Republican candidates. Already the Indian war has ceased and
preparations are being made to throw most of those troops in the
4. Cavalry horses are being purchased and shipped South for
the use of the troops and others, to spread terror and force that
people to support the Radical nominees.
5. Whisky, contract and every other imaginable sort of rings
exist all over the country, headed and run by the highest govern-
ment officials, to enrich those in power and rob the people.
RADICALISM VS. LIBERTY.
6. The Government employees, all over the country, who re-
fuse to pay over a certain per centage of their salaries for Radi-
cal campaign purposes, are discharged.
7. The State officers of Iowa have refused to furnish arms
to military organizations, assigning as a reason therefor, that
all arms ivere to be used during the Presidential cam-
8. Arms and ammunition are being shipped to negroes all
over the South, for the purpose of murdering white men, women
and children, and carrying those States for Hayes and Wheeler.
9. It has been discovered that secret agents from the East
have been sent to St. Louis for the purpose of organizing all the
negroes and uniforming them, at Radical expense, who march
through the streets making night hideous with their yells ; thus
hoping to create a riot and use it throughout the Northern and
Eastern States for political capital. They have no hope of car-
rying Missouri, but hope to incite the negroes to violence, and
by the sacrifice of fifty or one hundred of their lives, add thou-
sands of votes to their party candidates.
10. Secret emisaries are being sent all through the South and
"West to write up communications for Northern newspapers,
w T atch every movement which tends to injure Radical success, and
by words and deeds bring on trouble and strife.
11. Almost every day the newspapers contain telegraphic ac-
counts from the South of outrages being committed by armed
negroes. For a negro in the South to declare his intention to
vote the Democratic ticket, his life must pay the forfeit, as was
recently the case in South Carolina and Tennessee. So great
are the fears of many already that they are daily expecting to
read of wholesale massacres of white people in the South.
RADICALISM VS. LIBERTY.
12. Republicans openly boast that if Tilden is elected he will
not be allowed to take the office ; that they will have a majority
in the Senate and will throw out enough States to declare the
election null and void, and that Grant will hold over.
13. It has leaked out that the infamous plot has been agreed
upon to appoint 100,000 men in the Southern States United
States deputy marshals, just before the election, to arrest and
keep from the polls honest voters who refuse to vote the Repub-
lican ticket ; that these commissions are now being made out and
distributed mainly to negroes and carpet-baggers.
14. Republicans declare that if Tilden is elected the election
will be declared illegal, and that Grant will declare himself Dic-
tator, and will receive assistance from England to establish his
We might continue, without limit, to enumerate the many
grievances and outrages that are daily and hourly being practiced
by the ruling party of the country, all of which are well known
to . every intelligent and observing man ; but we deem the few
facts recited sufficient to cause every lover of his country to stop
and reflect on the deplorable state of affairs that exists. The
time for action has arrived, and every man who desires liberty
and the perpetuation of a Republican form of government in
this country should at once resolve in his own mind to do every-
thing within his power to put a stop to the ruin and oppression
that is daily occuring. Another four years 5 lease of power of the
Radical party will most assuredly bankrupt the country and drift
the people into a monarchial form of government. You have
but to look around you to see the fruits of Radical misrule. Look
at the thousands and tens of thousands of workingmen and me-
chanics idle all over the country, with their wives and children,
without the necessary food to sustain life. Business of every kind
RADICALISM VS. LIBERTY.
is depressed, and scarcely a man can be found who is u making
ends meet." It is nothing but taxation and depression on every
hand. Men are becoming desperate, and robbery and murders are
of daily occurrence all over our once peaceful and happy country.
There is no hope for the future, for the better, save in a
change of government officers. The prayers and cries of millions
of our people are daily ascending to Heaven for relief from the
awful doom that seems to await us as a nation and people. Is
there a man so recreant to the true principles of justice and
right, that he is unwilling to add his voice and vote to relieve the
country and people from the terrible future that seems to await
us. The whole treasury of the country is in the hands of a few
who will not stop at any means to carry out their nefarious de-
signs. The only salvation or hope that remains is for such an
uprising of the people as will teach these fiends in human shape,
these destroyers of the only true Republican government on the
habitable globe, that the great American people are alive to their
true interests, and'will, in November next, show them that they
love liberty, freedom and country, far better than party ties. In
November next the ximerican people must decide whether they
are freemen, or whether they will be the serfs of a few designing-
men who are running the country for their own personal and
pecuniary interests. The past record of the Republican party is
a sufficient warning to the great American people of what may
be expected in the near future, should another lease of power be
granted them. The only course left for the American people is
to u act well their part" and a few short days will seal the fate
of this country for all time to come.